African Slavery In America
Thomas Paine
[Although Paine was not the first to advocate the
aboliton of slavery in Amerca, he was certainly one of the earliest
and most influential. The essay was written in 1774 and published
March 8, 1775 when it appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal and
the Weekly Advertiser. Just a few weeks later on April 14, 1775
the first anti-slavery society in America was formed in
Philadelphia. Paine was a founding member.]
To Americans:
That some desperate wretches should be willing to steal and enslave
men by violence and murder for gain, is rather lamentable than
strange. But that many civilized, nay, Christianized people should
approve, and be concerned in the savage practice, is surprising; and
still persist, though it has been so often proved contrary to the
light of nature, to every principle of Justice and Humanity, and
even good policy, by a succession of eminent men, and several late
publications.
Our Traders in MEN (an unnatural commodity!) must know the
wickedness of the SLAVE-TRADE, if they attend to reasoning, or the
dictates of their own hearts: and such as shun and stiffle all
these, wilfully sacrifice Conscience, and the character of integrity
to that golden idol.
The Managers the Trade themselves, and others testify, that many of
these African nations inhabit fertile countries, are industrious
farmers, enjoy plenty, and lived quietly, averse to war, before the
Europeans debauched them with liquors, and bribing them against one
another; and that these inoffensive people are brought into slavery,
by stealing them, tempting Kings to sell subjects, which they can
have no right to do, and hiring one tribe to war against another, in
order to catch prisoners. By such wicked and inhuman ways the
English are said to enslave towards one hundred thousand yearly; of
which thirty thousand are supposed to die by barbarous treatment in
the first year; besides all that are slain in the unnatural ways
excited to take them. So much innocent blood have the managers and
supporters of this inhuman trade to answer for to the common Lord of
all!
Many of these were not prisoners of war, and redeemed from savage
conquerors, as some plead; and they who were such prisoners, the
English, who promote the war for that very end, are the guilty
authors of their being so; and if they were redeemed, as is alleged,
they would owe nothing to the redeemer but what he paid for them.
They show as little reason as conscience who put the matter by with
saying - "Men, in some cases, are lawfully made slaves, and why
may not these?" So men, in some cases, are lawfully put to
death, deprived of their goods, without their consent; may any man,
therefore, be treated so, without any conviction of desert? Nor is
this plea mended by adding - "They are set forth to us as
slaves, and we buy them without farther inquiry, let the sellers see
to it." Such man may as well join with a known band of robbers,
buy their ill-got goods, and help on the trade; ignorance is no more
pleadable in one case than the other; the sellers plainly own how
they obtain them. But none can lawfully buy without evidence that
they are not concurring with Men-Stealers; and as the true owner has
a right to reclaim his goods that were stolen, and sold; so the
slave, who is proper owner of his freedom, has a right to reclaim
it, however often sold.
Most shocking of all is alledging the sacred scriptures to favour
this wicked practice. One would have thought none but infidel
cavillers would endeavour to make them appear contrary to the plain
dictates of natural light, and the conscience, in a matter of common
Justice and Humanity; which they cannot be. Such worthy men, as
referred to before, judged otherways; Mr. Baxter declared, the
Slave-Traders should be called Devils, rather than Christians; and
that it is a heinous crime to buy them. But some say, "the
practice was permitted to the Jews." To which may be replied,
1. The example of the Jews, in many things, may not be imitated by
us; they had not only orders to cut off several nations altogether,
but if they were obliged to war with others, and conquered them, to
cut off every male; they were suffered to use polygamy and divorces,
and other things utterly unlawful to us under clearer light.
2. The plea is, in a great measure, false; they had no permission
to catch and enslave people who never injured them.
3. Such arguments ill become us, since the time of reformation
came, under Gospel light. All distinctions of nations and
privileges of one above others, are ceased; Christians are taught to
account all men their neighbours; and love their neighbours as
themselves; and do to all men as they would be done by; to do good
to all men; and Man-stealing is ranked with enormous crimes. Is
the barbarous enslaving our inoffensive neighbours, and treating
them like wild beasts subdued by force, reconcilable with the Divine
precepts! Is this doing to them as we would desire they should
do to us? If they could carry off and enslave some thousands of us,
would we think it just? - One would almost wish they could for once;
it might convince more than reason, or the Bible.
As much in vain, perhaps, will they search ancient history for
examples of the modern Slave-Trade. Too many nations enslaved the
prisoners they took in war. But to go to nations with whom there is
no war, who have no way provoked, without farther design of
conquest, purely to catch inoffensive people, like wild beasts, for
slaves, is an height of outrage against humanity and justice, that
seems left by heathen nations to be practised by pretended
Christian. How shameful are all attempts to colour and excuse it!
As these people are not convicted of forfeiting freedom, they have
still a natural, perfect right to it; and the governments whenever
they come should, in justice set them free, and punish those who
hold them in slavery.
So monstrous is the making and keeping them slaves at all,
abstracted from the barbarous usage they suffer, and the many evils
attending the practice; as selling husbands away from wives,
children from parents, and from each other, in violation of sacred
and natural ties; and opening the way for adulteries, incests, and
many shocking consequences, for all of which the guilty Masters must
answer to the final Judge.
If the slavery of the parents be unjust, much more is their
children's; if the parents were justly slaves, yet the children are
born free; this is the natural, perfect right of all mankind; they
are nothing but a just recompense to those who bring them up: And as
much less is commonly spent on them than others, they have a right,
in justice, to be proportionably sooner free.
Certainly, one may, with as much reason and decency, plead for
murder, robbery, lewdness and barbarity, as for this practice. They
are not more contrary to the natural dictates of conscience, and
feeling of humanity; nay, they are all comprehended in it.
But the chief design of this paper is not to disprove it, which
many have sufficiently done; but to entreat Americans to consider.
1. With what consistency, or decency they complain so loudly of
attempts to enslave them, while they hold so many hundred thousands
in slavery; and annually enslave many thousands more, without any
pretence of authority, or claim upon them?
2. How just, how suitable to our crime is the punishment with which
Providence threatens us? We have enslaved multitudes, and shed much
innocent blood in doing it; and now are threatened with the same.
And while other evils are confessed, and bewailed, why not this
especially, and publicity; than which no other vice, if all others,
has brought so much guilt on the land?
3. Whether, then, all ought not immediately to discontinue and
renounce it, with grief and abhorrence? Should not every society
bear testimony against it, and account obstinate persisters in it
bad men, enemies to their country, and exclude them from fellowship;
as they often do for much lesser faults?
4. The great Question may be - What should be done with those who
are enslaved already? To turn the old and infirm free, would be
injustice and cruelty; they who enjoyed the labours of the their
better days should keep, and treat them humanely. As to the rest,
let prudent men, with the assistance of legislatures, determine what
is practicable for masters, and best for them. Perhaps some could
give them lands upon reasonable rent, some, employing them in their
labour still, might give them some reasonable allowances for it; so
as all may have some property, and fruits of their labours at the
own disposal, and be encouraged to industry; the family may live
together, and enjoy the natural satisfaction of exercising relative
affections and duties, with civil protection, and other advantages,
like fellow men. Perhaps they might sometime form useful barrier
settlements on the frontiers. Thus they may become interested in the
public welfare, and assist in promoting it; instead of being
dangerous, as now they are, should any enemy promise them a better
condition.
5. The past treatment of Africans must naturally fill them with
abhorrence of Christians; lead them to think our religion would make
them more inhuman savages, if they embraced it; thus the gain of
that trade has been pursued in oppositions of the redeemer's cause,
and the happiness of men. Are we not, therefore, bound in duty to
him and to them to repair these injuries, as far as possible, by
taking some proper measure to instruct, not only the slaves here,
but the Africans in their own countries? Primitive Christians,
laboured always to spread the divine religion; and this is equally
our duty while there is an heathen nation: But what singular
obligations are we under to these injured people!
These are the sentiments of
JUSTICE AND HUMANITY.
|
|
