The Crisis XIII
Thoughts on the Peace, and the Probably Advantages Thereof
Thomas Paine
[Philadelphia, 19 April, 1783]
THESE are times that tried men's souls,and they are over- and the
greatest and completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously
and happily accomplished. But to pass from the extremes of danger to
safety - from the tumult of war to the tranquillity of peace, though
sweet in contemplation, requires a gradual composure of the senses
to receive it. Even calmness has the power of stunning, when it
opens too instantly upon us. The long and raging hurricane that
should cease in a moment, would leave us in a state rather of wonder
than enjoyment; and some moments of recollection must pass, before
we could be capable of tasting the felicity of repose. There are but
few instances, in which the mind is fitted for sudden transitions:
it takes in its pleasures by reflection and comparison and those
must have time to act, before the relish for new scenes is complete.
In the present case - the mighty magnitude of the object - the
various uncertainties of fate it has undergone - the numerous and
complicated dangers we have suffered or escaped - the eminence we
now stand on, and the vast prospect before us, must all conspire to
impress us with contemplation.
To see it in our power to make a world happy - to teach mankind the
art of being so- to exhibit, on the theatre of the universe a
character hitherto unknown - and to have, as it were, a new creation
intrusted to our hands, are honors that command reflection, and can
neither be too highly estimated, nor too gratefully received.
In this pause then of recollection - while the storm is ceasing,
and the long agitated mind vibrating to a rest, let us look back on
the scenes we have passed, and learn from experience what is yet to
be done.
Never, I say, had a country so many openings to happiness as this.
Her setting out in life, like the rising of a fair morning, was
unclouded and promising. Her cause was good. Her principles just and
liberal. Her temper serene and firm. Her conduct regulated by the
nicest steps, and everything about her wore the mark of honor. It is
not every country (perhaps there is not another in the world) that
can boast so fair an origin. Even the first settlement of America
corresponds with the character of the revolution. Rome, once the
proud mistress of the universe, was originally a band of ruffians.
Plunder and rapine made her rich, and her oppression of millions
made her great. But America need never be ashamed to tell her birth,
nor relate the stages by which she rose to empire.
The remembrance, then, of what is past, if it operates rightly,
must inspire her with the most laudable of all ambition, that of
adding to the fair fame she began with. The world has seen her great
in adversity; struggling, without a thought of yielding, beneath
accumulated difficulties, bravely, nay proudly, encountering
distress, and rising in resolution as the storm increased. All this
is justly due to her, for her fortitude has merited the character.
Let, then, the world see that she can bear prosperity: and that her
honest virtue in time of peace, is equal to the bravest virtue in
time of war.
She is now descending to the scenes of quiet and domestic life. Not
beneath the cypress shade of disappointment, but to enjoy in her own
land, and under her own vine, the sweet of her labors, and the
reward of her toil. - In this situation, may she never forget that a
fair national reputation is of as much importance as independence.
That it possesses a charm that wins upon the world, and makes even
enemies civil. That it gives a dignity which is often superior to
power, and commands reverence where pomp and splendor fail.
It would be a circumstance ever to be lamented and never to be
forgotten, were a single blot, from any cause whatever, suffered to
fall on a revolution, which to the end of time must be an honor to
the age that accomplished it: and which has contributed more to
enlighten the world, and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality
among mankind, than any human event (if this may be called one) that
ever preceded it.
It is not among the least of the calamities of a long continued
war, that it unhinges the mind from those nice sensations which at
other times appear so amiable. The continual spectacle of woe blunts
the finer feelings, and the necessity of bearing with the sight,
renders it familiar. In like manner, are many of the moral
obligations of society weakened, till the custom of acting by
necessity becomes an apology, where it is truly a crime. Yet let but
a nation conceive rightly of its character, and it will be chastely
just in protecting it. None ever began with a fairer than America
and none can be under a greater obligation to preserve it.
The debt which America has contracted, compared with the cause she
has gained, and the advantages to flow from it, ought scarcely to be
mentioned. She has it in her choice to do, and to live as happily as
she pleases. The world is in her hands. She has no foreign power to
monopolize her commerce, perplex her legislation, or control her
prosperity. The struggle is over, which must one day have happened,
and, perhaps, never could have happened at a better time. [NOTE] And
instead of a domineering master, she has gained an ally whose
exemplary greatness, and universal liberality, have extorted a
confession even from her enemies.
Had the states severally been less able than they were when the war
began, their united strength would not have been equal to the
undertaking, and they must in all human probability have failed.-
And, on the other hand, had they severally been more able, they
might not have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt, the
necessity of uniting: and, either by attempting to stand alone or in
small confederacies, would have been separately conquered.
Now, as we cannot see a time (and many years must pass away before
it can arrive) when the strength of any one state, or several
united, can be equal to the whole of the present United States, and
as we have seen the extreme difficulty of collectively prosecuting
the war to a successful issue, and preserving our national
importance in the world, therefore, from the experience we have had,
and the knowledge we have gained, we must, unless we make a waste of
wisdom, be strongly impressed with the advantage, as well as the
necessity of strengthening that happy union which had been our
salvation, and without which we should have been a ruined people.
While I was writing this note, I cast my eye on the pamphlet,
Common Sense, from which I shall make an extract, as it exactly
applies to the case. It is as follows:
"I have never met with a man, either in England or
America, who has not confessed it as his opinion that a separation
between the countries would take place one time or other; and
there is no instance in which we have shown less judgment, than in
endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness or fitness of
the continent for independence.
"As all men allow the measure, and differ only in their
opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a
general survey of things, and endeavor, if possible, to find out
the very time. But we need not to go far, the inquiry ceases at
once, for, the time has found us. The general concurrence, the
glorious union of all things prove the fact. "It is not in
numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies. The
continent is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no
single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when
united, can accomplish the matter; and either more or less than
this, might be fatal in its effects."
With the blessings of peace, independence, and an universal
commerce, the states, individually and collectively, will have
leisure and opportunity to regulate and establish their domestic
concerns, and to put it beyond the power of calumny to throw the
least reflection on their honor. Character is much easier kept than
recovered, and that man, if any such there be, who, from sinister
views, or littleness of soul, lends unseen his hand to injure it,
contrives a wound it will never be in his power to heal.
As we have established an inheritance for posterity, let that
inheritance descend, with every mark of an honorable conveyance. The
little it will cost, compared with the worth of the states, the
greatness of the object, and the value of the national character,
will be a profitable exchange.
But that which must more forcibly strike a thoughtful, penetrating
mind, and which includes and renders easy all inferior concerns, is
the UNION OF THE STATES. On this our great national character
depends. It is this which must give us importance abroad and
security at home. It is through this only that we are, or can be,
nationally known in the world; it is the flag of the United States
which renders our ships and commerce safe on the seas, or in a
foreign port. Our Mediterranean passes must be obtained under the
same style. All our treaties, whether of alliance, peace, or
commerce, are formed under the sovereignty of the United States, and
Europe knows us by no other name or title.
The division of the empire into states is for our own convenience,
but abroad this distinction ceases. The affairs of each state are
local. They can go no further than to itself. And were the whole
worth of even the richest of them expended in revenue, it would not
be sufficient to support sovereignty against a foreign attack. In
short, we have no other national sovereignty than as United States.
It would even be fatal for us if we had - too expensive to be
maintained, and impossible to be supported. Individuals, or
individual states, may call themselves what they please; but the
world, and especially the world of enemies, is not to be held in awe
by the whistling of a name. Sovereignty must have power to protect
all the parts that compose and constitute it: and as UNITED STATES
we are equal to the importance of the title, but otherwise we are
not. Our union, well and wisely regulated and cemented, is the
cheapest way of being great - the easiest way of being powerful, and
the happiest invention in government which the circumstances of
America can admit of. - Because it collects from each state, that
which, by being inadequate, can be of no use to it, and forms an
aggregate that serves for all.
The states of Holland are an unfortunate instance of the effects of
individual sovereignty. Their disjointed condition exposes them to
numerous intrigues, losses, calamities, and enemies; and the almost
impossibility of bringing their measures to a decision, and that
decision into execution, is to them, and would be to us, a source of
endless misfortune.
It is with confederated states as with individuals in society;
something must be yielded up to make the whole secure. In this view
of things we gain by what we give, and draw an annual interest
greater than the capital. - I ever feel myself hurt when I hear the
union, that great palladium of our liberty and safety, the least
irreverently spoken of. It is the most sacred thing in the
constitution of America, and that which every man should be most
proud and tender of. Our citizenship in the United States is our
national character. Our citizenship in any particular state is only
our local distinction. By the latter we are known at home, by the
former to the world. Our great title is AMERICANS - our inferior one
varies with the place.
So far as my endeavors could go, they have all been directed to
conciliate the affections, unite the interests, and draw and keep
the mind of the country together; and the better to assist in this
foundation work of the revolution, I have avoided all places of
profit or office, either in the state I live in, or in the United
States; kept myself at a distance from all parties and party
connections, and even disregarded all private and inferior concerns:
and when we take into view the great work which we have gone
through, and feel, as we ought to feel, the just importance of it,
we shall then see, that the little wranglings and indecent
contentions of personal parley, are as dishonorable to our
characters, as they are injurious to our repose.
It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with
which it struck my mind and the dangerous condition the country
appeared to me in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural
reconciliation with those who were determined to reduce her, instead
of striking out into the only line that could cement and save her, A
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, made it impossible for me, feeling as I
did, to be silent: and if, in the course of more than seven years, I
have rendered her any service, I have likewise added something to
the reputation of literature, by freely and disinterestedly
employing it in the great cause of mankind, and showing that there
may be genius without prostitution.
Independence always appeared to me practicable and probable,
provided the sentiment of the country could be formed and held to
the object: and there is no instance in the world, where a people so
extended, and wedded to former habits of thinking, and under such a
variety of circumstances, were so instantly and effectually
pervaded, by a turn in politics, as in the case of independence; and
who supported their opinion, undiminished, through such a succession
of good and ill fortune, till they crowned it with success.
But as the scenes of war are closed, and every man preparing for
home and happier times, I therefore take my leave of the subject. I
have most sincerely followed it from beginning to end, and through
all its turns and windings: and whatever country I may hereafter be
in, I shall always feel an honest pride at the part I have taken and
acted, and a gratitude to nature and providence for putting it in my
power to be of some use to mankind.
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